The Edelstein Firm

After Decades of Suspicion, Robert Durst Faces Justice

The subject of HBO’s “The Jinx” goes on trial this week, accused of killing a dear friend. But the case will reach deep into his past, to the unsolved disappearance of his first wife.

“VANISHES! Search for beautiful wife of developer” screamed the headline in The New York Post. That developer was Robert A. Durst, heir to a real estate empire whose towers helped shape the Manhattan skyline. His wife, a 29-year-old medical student, had disappeared the night of Jan. 31, Mr. Durst told the paper (in an interview arranged by his friend and publicist, Susan Berman), and he desperately wanted to find her.

Married in 1973, the couple partied at Studio 54, sailed the Mediterranean and traveled to Thailand. They split time between a lakeside cottage 50 miles north of Manhattan and a penthouse apartment on Riverside Drive. But their relationship grew fraught, friends would later say, after Mr. Durst pressed his wife to have an abortion.

Five days after her disappearance, Mr. Durst walked into a police precinct station house to report her missing. Family and friends immediately suspected him. “I think he killed her,” Ms. Durst’s sister, Mary McCormack Hughes, recalled telling her husband after Mr. Durst called to say that she was missing. Her body has never been found, and Mr. Durst insists that he doesn’t know what happened to her.

Read more:

via Crime and Criminals

March 4, 2020 at 08:33AM

Former Parole Officer Reflects On His Time Supervising ‘The Second Chance Club’

As a parole officer in New Orleans, Jason Hardy was responsible for 220 individuals — four times the recommended caseload. He says the parole and probation system fails the most vulnerable.

Four and a half million Americans are on probation or parole — more than twice the nation’s jail population. Parolees and probationers are required to check in regularly with officials, who are charged with helping them rebuild their lives.

But being a parole officer is tough work. “The pay is poor. The benefits are expensive. The hours are long,” says former New Orleans parole officer Jason Hardy.

Hardy initially entered the field because, he says, it “seemed to be something that you could get involved with and really make a big difference in a short period of time.”

Once on the job, he was charged with supervising about 220 people — four times the recommended caseload. He says that nearly all of individuals he worked with had needs he couldn’t meet — for food, housing, employment, medical care, mental health counseling and drug treatment. Some with addiction were so desperate for treatment they would show up at the parole office knowing they would fail a drug test and be sent to jail, because it was the only free detox center available to them.

“Many times, the jail did not seem like the best answer or even a decent answer, but it was the only one that we had,” Hardy says.

Hardy came to believe that the nation’s failure to provide adequate probation and parole programming represents the single greatest missed opportunity in the entire criminal justice system. He writes about his experiences in the book The Second Chance Club: Hardship and Hope After Prison.

Interview highlights

On how he managed his overwhelming caseload

You manage it by triaging and … following your own instinct. Some of it is done by risk assessment. So risk assessments are a hot topic in criminal justice now. … Whether it’s with bail or with probation, parole and even with prison, you look at an individual’s record, you look at his socioeconomic status, you look at his educational attainment, his history of mental health issues, and you essentially try to assign some number that tells you how likely a person is to recidivate.

Obviously, this stuff can be problematic, because these are algorithms. They’re essentially making educated guesses. But ultimately, what you can do is you can look at 220 people and say, we think that these are the 45 to 50 who stand the best chance of harming themselves or someone else, and so those are the people you spend most of your time on. So where you end up with in a caseload of 220 is about 50 who are getting something that looks like real supervision and 100-something who are getting nothing at all. And in that “nothing at all” category, there are probably 35 to 40 who are in warrant status, where they just kind of disappeared. And we don’t know where they are. We’re not really looking for them.

On conducting home inspections

After bouncing from one job to another in his 20s, Jason Hardy decided to become a parole officer in New Orleans. He recounts his experiences in the book, The Second Chance Club.

Pim Van Hammen/ Simon & Schuster

It certainly can be intrusive. Like a lot of other things on the job, it sort of depends on how you carry yourself when you do it. … If you show up, if you knock on the door politely, if you if you treat everybody with respect and if you say that you’re more or less there to have a conversation and that really what you’re trying to do is get to know this person better so that you can help him, then it generally goes pretty well.

On having to talk with family members when someone in his caseload dies of overdose

That was one of the hardest things to do on the job. I don’t think we were ever the ones who were initially giving the news, but we would always go over there after the fact and have some kind of a debrief in as much as that was possible. And most parents knew the system. They knew that, again, we didn’t have that many resources, that we were doing the best we could. But some came right at us and said, “Hey, look, if nothing else, your job was to keep my son or daughter alive. And you failed to do that.” And you can know logically that a lot of these problems predate you, that you maybe weren’t the cause of them, but a part of you can’t help but agree, that if nothing else at the end of this supervision period, this person should still be walking and breathing — and to go and have to answer for that it really takes its toll.

On the barriers that prevent disabled people from getting social security

What happens normally when you call and try to get some kind of a public service for someone, is that you’re told that you have to bring a lot of paperwork to a government building. And what I found with SSI is that the hurdles to getting it are such that many people who are truly disabled just can’t possibly get over them. …

Sam Briger and Mooj Zadie produced and edited the audio of this interview. Bridget Bentz, Molly Seavy-Nesper and Meghan Sullivan adapted it for the Web.

via Law : NPR

March 2, 2020 at 01:28PM

Federal White-Collar Prosecutions Hit ‘All-Time Low’

Federal prosecutions of white-collar crimes have reached an “all-time” low this year, according to the Transactional Records Clearing House (TRAC) at Syracuse University.

As of January 2020, the number of white-collar offenders prosecuted on federal charges had dropped eight percent from the previous year, continuing a slide that began five years ago.

“If prosecutors continue at the same pace for the remainder of FY 2020, they are projected to fall to 5,175—almost half the level of their Obama-era peak,” TRAC said

In January, just 359 defendants were prosecuted—for the most part individuals, rather than firms—representing an “all-time low since tracking began during the Reagan Administration,” TRAC added.

In FY 2010 and FY 2011, annual prosecutions numbered over 10,000.

Critics have long assailed the government for concentrating its white-collar-crime efforts on individuals rather than large corporations and business organizations. Only 1,300 business entities have been hauled into court for white-collar offenses compared with 124,402 individual defendants since 2004—amounting to roughly one out of every 100 cases.

But the drop in prosecutions for individuals suggests a further softening of strategy, economist Catherine Rampell wrote recently in The Washington Post.

“The slide in prosecutions began before President Trump took office,” Rampell wrote. “But the numbers are especially low this year, perhaps in part because his fixation with other kinds of crimes (chiefly, immigration-related ones) has crowded out resources for other kinds of investigations and prosecutions.”

TRAC obtained its figures following successful litigation against the Justice Department under the Freedom of Information Act.

Download the full report and tables here.

via The Crime Report

March 4, 2020 at 08:04AM

Three Exonerated Men to be Awarded $8.7 Million

Maryland’s spending panel is set to award more than $8.7 million to three exonerated men who spent more than 100 combined years in prison, the Baltimore Sun reports. The Board of Public Works, which is chaired by Gov. Larry Hogan, will about $2.9 million each to Alfred Chestnut, Andrew Stewart Jr. and Ransom Watkins, who were cleared last year of the notorious 1983 murder of a Baltimore junior high school student over a Georgetown University basketball jacket. The decision comes after Baltimore State’s Attorney Marilyn Mosby said Chestnut, Stewart and Watkins are innocent of murdering DeWitt Duckett. The ninth grader at Harlem Park Junior High School was shot in his neck in the school.

Mosby said the detective and prosecutor in 1983 coached and coerced the testimony of four students who identified Chestnut, Stewart and Watkins as the killers, and the students later recanted that testimony. Baltimore prosecutors now say police discounted interviews from other students who identified another person as the killer. “I’m delighted that these three men have been granted the compensation they deserve, but it’s awful that they had to go through a legal process to obtain this small measure of justice,” Mosby said. “I’m asking the state legislature to pass the exoneree compensation bill so that this process becomes automatic and more humane.” Maryland lawmakers are considering legislation that would require the Board of Public Works to pay wrongfully convicted prisoners within 60 days after receiving an order from an administrative law judge. It would require awards equal to the five-year average of the state’s median household income for each year of imprisonment.

via The Crime Report

March 3, 2020 at 09:53AM

South Florida Billionaire Tangled in Trump-Ukraine Scandal Notches Win in Hacking Case

Billionaire South Florida energy tycoon Harry Sargeant III is off the hook for costs in a lawsuit he voluntarily withdrew from federal court after the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit found that a rule reserved for similar scenarios didn’t apply in this case.

Sargeant, a former U.S. Marine Corps officer and fighter pilot, is a major Republican Party donor and runs a network of global companies focused on aviation, oil and asphalt shipping. One of his companies, International Oil Trading Co., supplied aircraft fuel to the U.S. military during the Iraq War.

The underlying legal dispute began in February 2018, when Sargeant accused his brother, Daniel, and others of hacking into his email account and a computer server belonging to the family business. Sargeant’s complaint alleges hundreds of private files were taken from the Palm Beach County-based server.

Among them: sex tapes—or, “extremely sensitive videos and photographs of intimate activity and private consensual relations,” as the lawsuit describes them.

Sargeant alleged the defendants, as part of a smear campaign against him, also accessed information about his private business ventures, including testing of a new steam generator system that was in development.

One of the defendants, U.K. solicitor Daniel Hall, a director at legal services firm Burford Capital, and was investigating a “bitter, global feud” with Harry Sargeant for a client who allegedly sought to exploit a rift between the brothers, according to the lawsuit.

Hall moved to dismiss for failure to state a claim, prompting a report from a magistrate judge who recommended U.S. District Judge Beth Bloom grant the motion. But before the judge could decide, Sargeant ended the case himself by withdrawing the suit and refiling in Palm Beach Circuit Court.

Hall sought to recover costs from the first case under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure Rule 41(d), which says that if a plaintiff dismisses their complaint in one court, then brings the same claim in another, a judge can order them to pay all or some of the previous case’s costs. The judge can also halt the second case until the plaintiff complies.

Defendant Hall argued that rule should apply to him, but the district court disagreed.

That was the right call, according to the appellate panel, which analyzed the rule’s language and found its hands were tied because Sargeant had filed his second complaint in state court—not federal.

The panel also found Hall can only move for costs in the new case, even though there seems to be no remedy for him in Florida.

“We recognize that there may be situations where a plaintiff dismisses a federal action and refiles it in state court it in state court in a state lacking a procedural mechanism equivalent to Rule 41(d), leaving a defendant like Mr. Hall without a remedy for obtaining the costs of the previous action,” the opinion said. “But ‘[w]hatever merits th[is] and other policy arguments may have,’ we cannot ‘rewrite [Rule 41(d)] to accommodate them.’ ”

Sargeant came under scrutiny in October 2019 for meeting with two businessmen at an industry convention, sparking allegations that he helped shepherd contracts between Ukraine’s state-owned oil and gas companies to help allies of President Donald Trump obtain compromising material on former Vice President Joe Biden.

Sargeant has denied any involvement, and his attorney released a statement stressing that Sargeant has no ties to Ukraine.

Related story: Indicted Rudy Giuliani Associates Left Trail of South Florida Litigation

This was a case of first impression for the appellate panel, which conceded there was little case law to go from.

“It does not appear that any other circuit has tackled this question, and the handful of district courts that have reviewed the issue have reached different conclusions,” the opinion said. “but the two district courts that awarded costs where the second action was filed in state court did not conduct a textual analysis.”

The two courts that have analyzed Rule 41(d) ruled the same way, according to the opinion.

Harry Sargeant’s attorneys, Christopher Kise, Joshua Hawkes, Melissa Coffey, Ramon Abadin and Gregory Coleman of Foley & Lardner’s Tallahassee, Coral Gables and West Palm Beach offices, did not respond to a request for comment by deadline.

Counsel to Hall, Andrew Goldsmith and Derek Ho of Kellogg Hansen Todd Figel & Frederick in Washington, D.C., and Armando Cordoves and Samuel Danon of Hunton Andrews Kurth in Miami also did not respond.

Eleventh Circuit Judge Adalberto Jordan wrote the ruling, backed by Judge Jill Pryor and Chief U.S. District Judge L. Scott Coogler, sitting by designation.

Read the ruling:


via – Newswire

March 3, 2020 at 04:07PM

Lawyer Flees Strip Club, Kicking Off Ye Olde Stupid Police Chase

The honorable proprietors of the Sunset Strip Gentleman’s Club had occasion to inform the local constabulary of a heinous breach of gentlemanly etiquette on Friday when a local attorney at law allegedly absconded without remitting proper remuneration for a tasteful dry humping.

The gentleman advocate, identified in the area newspaper of record as Dylan Vinzant, allegedly procured a 15-minute diversion to a private dance area in the company of a comely lass for the agreed upon modest sum of $200. But authorities say this blackguard fled into the blackberry bushes without fulfilling his end of the transaction. Or, more likely, Marionberry bushes as the locals insist on calling their blackberries.

Escaping the briar, Sunset Strip’s gentleman caller supposedly sought to avail himself of the public transportation concern. Finding the light rail train already departed, authorities claim that the counselor skulked toward a darkened train shaft, a haunting metaphor of where the night’s events did not lead him.

Thankfully, dear reader, this esquire did not find an oncoming train within the confines of the tunnel but instead representatives of the Sheriff’s department who staked out the other side and waited for him to emerge.

He was taken swiftly to jail and booked on “suspicion of theft and trespassing.”

With this unpleasantness behind it, the Sunset Strip can return to serving the proper gentleman of the greater Portland, Oregon area.

Oregon lawyer refuses to pay for $200 lap dance, leads cops on foot chase near strip club, authorities say [Oregon Live]


Joe Patrice is a senior editor at Above the Law and co-host of Thinking Like A Lawyer. Feel free to email any tips, questions, or comments. Follow him on Twitter if you’re interested in law, politics, and a healthy dose of college sports news. Joe also serves as a Managing Director at RPN Executive Search.

via Above the Law

March 3, 2020 at 05:20PM

Moe junk science–denim patterns on a pair of jeans

Is every pair of jeans like no other? According to the testimony of FBI forensic analysts, the patterns seen on denim are reliably unique and can be used to identify a suspect in surveillance footage, Ars Technica.
The problem is, this technique has never been subjected to thorough scrutiny, and evidence acquired through it may not be as strong as it has been claimed to be. A paper published in PNAS this week puts denim-pattern analysis through its paces, finding that it isn’t particularly good at matching up identical pairs of jeans—and may create a number of “false alarm” errors to boot.

Shoddy evidence

For some time, there have been rumblings about the reliability and quality of commonly used forensic techniques. In 2009, the National Academy of Sciences published a weighty report observing that, apart from nuclear DNA analysis, “no forensic method has been rigorously shown to have the capacity to consistently, and with a high degree of certainty, demonstrate a connection between evidence and a specific individual or source.”
The problems with forensic evidence—including fingerprint, bloodstain, and ballistics analysis—have terrible real-world consequences. According to the National Registry of Exonerations, nearly a quarter of wrongful convictions in the United States for the last 30 years can be attributed to flawed or misleading forensic evidence.
Computer scientists Sophie Nightingale and Hany Farid wanted to look at one technique in particular: photographic pattern analysis, which matches up the patterns of details on faces, hands, or clothing between suspects and crime-scene photographs. Jeans, for example, have a “barcode” pattern of dark and light splotches along their seams.

Denim barcodes

These patterns have been used as central evidence to convict people, but is this kind of analysis reliable? That hasn’t been established. To test it out, Nightingale and Farid went out to buy 100 pairs of jeans from second-hand stores. They laid the jeans out flat on a hard surface, photographed the seams along the legs, and digitally traced the pattern of light and dark points along the seams. To bump up their sample, they had Amazon Turk workers supply images from another 111 pairs, photographed using careful instructions.
Then, the researchers set about quantifying how different the patterns were across different pairs of jeans. Obviously, there’s a lot of randomness at play here—two pairs could be quite similar, just by chance, while another two pairs could be entirely different, also by chance. And most pairs would fall somewhere in the middle, with some degree of similarity. Based on these measurements, Nightingale and Farid worked out the range of similarity between the “barcode” patterns on different pairs of jeans.
The important question, of course, is whether these patterns can be used to determine whether two images show the same pair of jeans. So the researchers selected 10 pairs of jeans and took 10 photos of each using different cameras, in different lighting, and with different draping. What they found was that any given pair of photos could come back with a lot of similarities but could also come back with very different readings on the pattern. The range was broad—as Nightingale and Farid point out, soft fabric photographed in a bunch of different ways is going to have distortions that vary from one image to the next.

False alarms

So if one pair of jeans can look noticeably different in different photos, is denim-pattern analysis actually a useful forensic technique? The researchers used their measurements to estimate how often a true match would come up and how often their jeans would throw up a “false alarm“—a score that looked like a match even though the images actually came from two different pairs.
They found that the false alarm rate could be as high as one in a thousand. Given that the FBI has reported using photographic pattern analysis in hundreds of cases each year, that’s a meaningful possibility. The true match rate was also not great, at around 40 to 50 percent, depending on factors like the length of the seam being analyzed.
This means the technique of matching up jeans is likely to be pretty hit and miss—not catching actual similarities a lot of the time and possibly throwing up a high rate of false alarms. And that’s under controlled experimental conditions using high-quality images and jeans laid out nice and flat, not grainy security footage showing jeans being worn. On the other hand, different features like damage, branding, and size could corroborate an analysis to improve the evidence one way or another.
There’s more work needed on whether jeans could be analyzed in a more reliable way using additional features—and also whether other pattern analysis—like freckles on a face or patterns on other types of clothing—are similarly unreliable. But for now, write Nightingale and Farid, “identification based on denim jeans should be used with extreme caution, if at all.”
To read more CLICK HERE

via Matt Mangino

March 4, 2020 at 07:48AM

The Dangers of America’s Expanding ‘Digital Prison’

On any day of the year, more than 200,000 Americans are wearing electronic ankle monitors that allow courts, police or corrections authorities to track their movements as a condition of their release from prison.

Many observers consider these digital devices a “win-win”: they allow the formerly incarcerated (and sometimes those awaiting trial) to escape confinement while reducing prison and jail populations; and they protect public safety by lowering the chances of future criminal behavior.

However, a new study in the Cardozo Law Review argues that in fact they are a form of “digital prison” that not only makes it harder for formerly incarcerated individuals to successfully reintegrate into civil society; they may even increase the odds that they will end up back behind bars.

The growing use of GPS electronic surveillance, or “e-carceration,” threatens to produce a “subgroup of surveilees who are increasingly divorced from the civic life of their community, divorced from opportunity for social mobilization, and divorced from political and educational life and opportunities,” writes Chaz Arnett, an assistant professor at the University of Pittsburgh School of Law.

Arnett added that the most damaging impact of digital monitoring is felt by those whose “social marginalization” has already landed them inside the criminal justice system, such as unemployed or traumatized African-American men—thereby perpetuating the disproportionate effects of the system on the poor and people of color.

“An e-carceration regime only acts to further one of the greatest harms of mass incarceration, the entrenchment of race and class subordination, and abandons genuine attempts at rehabilitation and reintegration,” he wrote.

According to Arnett, “there is already anecdotal evidence that populations disproportionately subjected to electronic surveillance are overwhelmingly black, brown and poor.”

GPS monitoring, which can be imposed for a lifetime on individuals such as sex offenders, effectively thwarts anyone from developing the confidence and mobility that can help secure employment—which most experts consider the principal passport to successful reentry.

“A person’s connection to their community, through employment, family ties, religious practices and social activities, is one of the strongest protectors against criminal justice contact, (but) the use of electronic monitoring acts to strain and sever those crucial ties,” Arnett wrote.

“The sad irony of electronic monitoring is that it divorces individuals from the very things they need for success,”

In a more ominous note, Arnett cited statistics showing that private firms are beginning to invest heavily in digital surveillance technology—specifically many of the companies who were once the leading developers of private prisons—creating a vested financial interest in subjecting more individuals to monitoring, whether it promotes public safety or not.

Individuals can be charged anywhere from $10 to $40 a day for using the ankle bracelets—after paying hefty initial fees—offering the possibility of a new bonanza to firms who are leaving  the privatized prison industry because of growing opposition from state governments.

GEO Group, one of the largest for-profit prison operators, has invested more than $450 million in electronic monitoring and alcohol monitoring-related businesses between 2011-2015, according to figures cited by Arnett.

It Started with Spiderman

Electronic monitoring as a form of judicial control was first introduced by a New Mexico judge in the 1980s after he was inspired by an episode in a comic book, in which a villain attached a tracking device to Spiderman to control him from afar. Since that somewhat bizarre beginning, ankle devices are now deployed in all 50 states.

Between 2005-2015, the number in use around the country rose by 140 percent, and the devices are now used now in the juvenile justice system as well as adult community supervision—and by federal immigration authorities.

Ironically, many supporters of justice reform have welcomed their use as a way of reducing prison populations, citing some studies that show they have cut recidivism.

Arnett, noting that other studies suggest the technology has no effect on recidivism, suggested advocates who believe that are deluding themselves.

Electronic surveillance technology, he argued, is an extension of the strategy of “punitive control” that governs the U.S. justice system, and represents a further step away from the rehabilitative goals espoused by reformers.

“With relatively little regulation, and almost no public awareness of the harms they may cause, electronic surveillance systems envelop the formerly incarcerated in an invisible network of control that is potentially even more insidious than the current probation and parole system,“ Arnett wrote.

Worse, the systems are also subject to glitches and mismanagement that in effect leave individuals wearing the bracelets “set up to fail,” he added.

Ankle Monitor in a Morgue

He offered some poignant examples. An Illinois man who developed cancer shortly after he was released from prison under electronic monitoring kept missing his appointments with the doctor because his family could not get timely permission to leave home. He died in hospital with the ankle monitor attached to his leg, and his corpse sat in the morgue awaiting cremation for weeks before a corrections supervisor came to remove the device from his body.

In another case, a Wisconsin man named Cody McCormick who was placed on electronic monitoring kept experiencing poor satellite reception at his home, which apparently led authorities to believe he had turned the system off. When police came to his home and found him exactly where he was supposed to be, he was still placed under arrest and jailed for three days.

Nearly a year later, McCormick was arrested again when the ankle bracelet located him erroneously at a location where he was forbidden to be, even though he had only driven past it.

While Arnett stops short of explicitly calling for a phase-out of the ankle bracelets, he argues that the apparent lack of interest so far in regulating their use—along with court rulings rejecting claims that they were a violation of Constitutional guarantees of privacy—should make authorities focus on alternatives such as community-based treatment and supervision.

“If part of righting the wrongs of mass incarceration…involves seriously committing to decarceration efforts, then strategies to enable decarceration must be shrewdly examined and critiqued to ensure that we are not repeating the same mistakes,” he wrote.

“A guiding question that must remain at the forefront of our minds is whether the rise of an e-carceration regime presents a solution to, or an expansion of, the harm of mass incarceration.”

The full study can be downloaded here.

This summary was prepared by Stephen Handelman, editor of The Crime Report.

via The Crime Report

March 2, 2020 at 08:42AM

Former Cop Pleads Guilty to Killing Colleague During Russian Roulette

Former St. Louis cop Nathaniel Hendren, 30, pleaded guilty on Friday to fatally shooting his colleague, police officer Kaitlyn Alix, 24. He admits to one count of involuntary manslaughter in the first-degree, and one count of armed criminal action, authorities say. Prosecutors said he killed her during Russian Roulette on January 24, 2019.

The on-duty Hendren and off-duty Alix were in the defendant’s apartment, “dry-firing” with their personal guns, authorities said. He took the cartridges out of his revolver, put one back inside, and spun the cylinder multiple times, prosecutors said. He checked where the cartridge landed. He pulled the trigger while the weapon was pointed down the hallway and the cartridge wasn’t in the “live” position, prosecutors said. According to authorities, Alix took the gun from him, pointed it at him, and pulled the trigger. It didn’t go off. Hendren then took back the revolver, and pulled the trigger while thinking the lone cartridge wasn’t in the active position, prosecutors said. He was wrong. The bullet hit Alix in the chest.

“The reckless behavior that took place that early morning has left an unfillable void for her grieving husband, her parents, and a host of loving family and friends,” said Circuit Attorney Kimberly M. Gardner. “Mr. Hendren’s plea admits that his actions were the cause of officer Alix’s death. Although there is nothing that the law can do to restore the life of Officer Alix, it can make sure that the person responsible for her senseless death is held accountable for his careless behavior.”

Hendren was sentenced to seven years for the manslaughter count, concurrent with a three year term for armed criminal action.

[Mugshot via St. Louis County Jail]

via Law & Crime

March 1, 2020 at 05:28PM

Florida hospital worker charged after allegedly caught sucking patient’s toes

LEE COUNTY, Fla. (WGHP) — A Florida hospital worker was arrested after a patient allegedly caught him sucking on their toes, WFTS reports.

Frantz Beldorin, 23, was charged with battery on a person 65 years or older.

At about 11 p.m. Monday, a patient at Gulf Coast Hospital in Ft. Myers woke up to the feeling of someone touching their foot, they told deputies. It happened three times, according to WFTS.

The victim told deputies they felt something wet between their toes. When they looked over, the victim said they saw Beldorin on his knees next to the bed and bent over their foot.

Hospital security called the sheriff’s office, and Beldorin was arrested and taken to the Lee County Jail.


via Full Feed |

February 28, 2020 at 11:21AM

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